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HK Police Force stands between order and anarchy

By Henry Chan | China Daily Asia | Updated: 2019-08-12 15:58

The police attempt to disperse masked protesters after the illegal protest turns radical and violent in late night on July 27, 2019. [Photo/China Daily]

For the seventh weekend in a row, massive demonstrations against the fugitive extradition bill have continued to rock Hong Kong. However, when one looks at the size of the protest march on July 21 and compares it with the one held on June 16, the much smaller crowd showed that many people want to pause on the extradition issue. The series of events between June 16 and July 21, including the suspension of the bill, an apology from the chief executive, the barricading of police headquarters, a violent break-in to the legislature and discovery of explosives, have convinced many residents that they must de-escalate social tensions.

Two incidents put the extradition bill on the back burner on the night of July 21 when a group of protesters in typical black T-shirts vandalized the national emblem outside the central government's liaison office; they sprayed derogatory slogans on the walls. In a scene reminiscent of a revolution, a masked protester announced the setting-up of a “temporary legislative council”. The liaison office is a symbol of China’s sovereignty over Hong Kong, and having its national emblem defaced is a serious affront. Many Chinese see this as an attempt by the radicals to challenge the central government’s authority over Hong Kong and also the principle of "one country, two systems".

A little later, dozens of masked thugs in white T-shirts attacked people in the Yuen Long MTR station, especially targeting black-clad extradition bill protesters. The bloody scuffle was recorded on handphones and watched by horrified viewers all over the world. The organizer of the rally earlier in the day, the Civil Human Rights Front, blamed the incident on the police for largely being absent from the scene.

The two incidents on the night of July 21 will be remembered as a day law and order broke down in Hong Kong. The color of white and black reflects not only the polarization of society but also the increasingly violent behavior of radicals.

The Hong Kong police have been under intense public pressure since demonstrations started on June 9. The Civil Human Rights Front had tried to sustain the momentum of the rally after the government suspended the extradition bill by shifting the focus to “police brutality”. They accused the police of using excessive force in containing the demonstrations and they are demanding an independent commission to investigate the police.

The Civil Human Rights Front’s charge eroded confidence in the police and hurt the morale of the force. “Hate-police messages” with some officers’ data are shared on social media, while the children of frontline officers are targeted at school. As frontline police have to bear the brunt of violence head-on, they have expressed discontent about their vulnerability. Setting up a dedicated commission to investigate the police at this moment is trial by publicity and will likely immobilize the force.

The Hong Kong police have enjoyed a stellar reputation for its professionalism for a long time. It has been consistently ranked in the top 10 position in the Global Competitiveness Report in terms of the reliability of its police services. If one compares police demonstration handling around the world, the conduct of Hong Kong police in dealing with protesters is unquestionably among the most civil. Its restraint in handling violent protesters is second to none. Some of its officers had been set upon by protesters and beaten up, yet not a single shot had been fired, and even when their own headquarters was barricaded for hours.

The case of the seven policemen convicted in 2017 over their assault on an activist, Ken Tsang Kin-chiu, in 2014 proved that the Hong Kong police do not condone police brutality and the judiciary remains independent in discharging its duty. If one looks at the proximity between the demonstrators and the police and how each side is making video recordings of the other, there is probably enough evidence caught on tape of anyone committing violence.

The protesters’ demand to drop the word “riot” in categorizing some protesters’ unlawful actions is a blatant attempt to violate Hong Kong’s much respected reputation for the rule of law. The abundant video recordings will prove whether the act is riotous or not. Likewise, police brutality, if any, can easily be determined with video recordings as the case of Tsang has shown.

The peaceful and well-organized demonstrations of the past are the pride of Hong Kong’s “one country two systems” in action; the recent moving from peaceful protests reflects the emergence of a group of well-trained and coordinated militant activists taking cover under the liberal atmosphere of the city. The pattern has been that after peaceful demonstrations have ended, well-equipped black-clad extremist protesters would move to the front to provoke the police and engage in acts of violence designed to discredit the police. All actions are caught on tape and should help an inquiry if one is conducted.

The police have arrested more than 10 suspects involved in the mass beating of protesters and passengers in Yuen Long. The move shows the police is impartial in its exercise of police power. This proves that the police continue to be the guardians of everyone in Hong Kong regardless of their politics. The police force is the sole institution that can prevent Hong Kong from falling into anarchy.

The author is a senior visiting research fellow at the Cambodia Institute for Cooperation and Peace. His primary research interest is Chinese economic development, ASEAN-China relations and the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

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