Time waits for no one
The EU needs to rethink its approach toward China as a multipolar world is emerging whether it likes it or not
When I was 8 years old, growing up in Czechoslovakia, I remember political posters proclaiming: "With the Soviet Union, forever and never otherwise."
Three years later, the Soviet Union no longer existed.
Afterwards, our political leaders began looking toward Washington, and then Brussels, with much the same conviction. The West became our indispensable partner, and the Western-led international order was presented as the final destination of our political development.
But history has a habit of surprising those who believe it has come to an end.
Today, the extraordinary rise of China, alongside the growing importance of the Global South, is fundamentally transforming the international order.
For Europe, this presents enormous opportunities. Unfortunately, our political leaders seem to regard it primarily as a threat.
I was reminded of this contradiction during my recent visits to China. In Shanghai, Hangzhou, Changsha and Ningbo, extraordinary development has taken place in just a few generations. And as I write these words, I am in Beijing, China's centuries-old capital, learning about its innovations in smart governance, particularly the 12345 public complaints system.
In the past 77 years, China has lifted hundreds of millions out of extreme poverty, become the world's largest manufacturing power and established itself as a global leader in electric mobility, renewable energy, telecommunications and artificial intelligence.
What makes this transformation particularly remarkable is that China has achieved it through peaceful economic development, industrialization, education and trade, rather than colonial expansion or wars of conquest that accompanied the rise of many earlier great powers.
Yet there remains an enormous gap between the China I have experienced and the China frequently portrayed in European political discourse.
Part of this is the extraordinary speed of China's development. Many Europeans still imagine a country producing inexpensive consumer goods rather than one increasingly shaping the technologies of the future. Even those who follow China's progress closely can struggle to keep pace.
But there is also a more troubling explanation: the deliberate promotion of a narrative portraying China's rise primarily as a danger to Western, and even global, interests.
The European Union's description of China as a "systemic rival" is perhaps the clearest example. Rather than encouraging Europeans to understand China's development and explore opportunities for cooperation, this language reinforces confrontation and distrust.
The consequences are increasingly visible in the two sides' economic relations.
In recent months, the European Commission has imposed additional countervailing duties on Chinese electric vehicles, restricted Chinese participation in public procurement for medical devices, and pursued investigations under its Foreign Subsidies Regulation. More broadly, the EU's emphasis on economic security and de-risking risks turning legitimate regulatory objectives into instruments of protectionism.
Of course, Europe has every right to defend fair competition and seek a more balanced trading relationship. But is restricting access to Chinese technologies and investment really the answer? Would the EU not be better served by selling more to China, creating opportunities for European businesses and strengthening its own industries?
China's 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) offers important opportunities in this regard. Its emphasis on high-quality development and improved living standards could open new markets for European products, from advanced machinery and pharmaceuticals to environmental technologies and high-quality consumer goods.
At the same time, Chinese investment, local manufacturing and technology partnerships could help revive EU industry, creating jobs and strengthening its competitiveness.
And the EU desperately needs such opportunities. High energy costs and declining competitiveness have placed unprecedented pressure on its industries, and, by extension, its welfare systems. The EU's automotive sector, long a cornerstone of European prosperity, is seemingly in free fall, while Germany, once Europe's economic powerhouse, is watching the industries that made it prosperous slowly fall apart.
Rather than asking how cooperation with China could help reverse this decline, the EU remains trapped in an outdated logic of confrontation and bloc politics.
This is why I welcome the recent meeting in Beijing between European Commissioner for Trade and Economic Security Maros Sefcovic and Chinese Commerce Minister Wang Wentao.
Their discussions on Oct 8 and 9 demonstrated that constructive dialogue remains possible. Both sides reaffirmed their commitment to addressing differences within the framework of World Trade Organization rules and to working toward a more stable economic relationship.
These talks could mark the beginning of a more pragmatic approach, based on cooperation rather than rivalry.
This requires trust, predictability and a willingness to treat one another as equals. Countries do not need identical political systems or agreement on every geopolitical question to develop mutually beneficial partnerships.
Unfortunately, European leaders too often allow outdated assumptions and disagreements over third-party issues to dominate the relationship with China. They should be capable of discussing Ukraine and other international conflicts without expecting complete political agreement.
The emerging multipolar world offers Europe an opportunity to become a genuinely independent pole of economic and political power, cooperating with China, India and other rising economies rather than defining its international role primarily through Washington.
But seizing this opportunity requires first learning to see China as it actually is.
During my travels, I was reminded of the famous Chinese principle of seeking truth from facts. This should also guide European policymaking.
Neither an idealized China nor a demonized China is conducive to an accurate understanding of its achievements, challenges and aspirations, and only with the correct perception can policies be developed that genuinely serve European citizens.
One thing is clear to me: The emergence of a multipolar world does not depend on the EU's approval. China, India, the countries in Southeast Asia, Africa and other rising powers will continue to deepen their cooperation and build new institutions, whether the EU participates or not.
This is something EU political leaders urgently need to understand. The rest of the world is not going to wait for the EU to come to terms with the end of Western hegemony.
If the EU has the wisdom to embrace these changes and become an active, constructive participant in the emerging international order, the opportunities for peace, prosperity and cooperation are enormous. If it does not, the world will move forward without it.
And while that would be a loss for the rest of the world, it would be a far greater loss for the EU.
The author is a member of the European Parliament.
The author contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily. The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.
Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.































